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‘Today Shan State is already a separate country’
Lieutenant General Yawd Serk, the leader of the Shan State Army-South, talks with Mizzima. Jai Wan Mai asks him about his split with drug trafficker Kun Sa, the DKBA army, how to stop the drug trade, is the SSA preparing for war, the importance of ethnic independence and drug trafficking among cease-fire groups.
General Sao Yawd Serk, a former protege of Kun Saa, heads up one of the largest ethnic armies in Burma. Photo : Mizzima
Q: First of all, why did you pick Loi Tai Leng for your headquarters?
A: We looked at the geography and surveyed the area. Geographically, it is a high mountain and it has an upper hand in a battle time. Another thing is to train our fighters and to shore up our force.
Q: Prior to that, you used to be with Kun Sa. Why didn’t you surrender with him?
A: Kun Sa was another group (Shan United Army-South) before we joined together. We are the followers of Sao Korn Jeung (or Mo Heing), who was the leader of the Shan United Revolutionary Army (SURA). When we joined together, we had different political objectives. Originally, Kun Sa was a businessman before he became involved in politics. Sao Korn Jeung was mainly focused on the politics. I had followed Sao Korn Jeueng since I was 16 years old. We were different than Kun Sa.
We joined the resistance due to our love for our nation. When Kun Sa surrendered, we did not join with him because to join the resistance means you don’t surrender. With or without Kun Sa, we will continue with our work. That is why we did not surrender.
Q: Now, the fights between the DKBA and Burmese troops are taking place on the border near Mae Sot, Thailand. What about the SSA and the Burmese regime, will there be bigger fights?
A: It is very clear whether the Burmese regime is good or bad. The DKBA in fact cooperated and made a cease-fire with the Burmese regime. However, when the regime was not sincere, the DKBA bravely fought back against the regime. At this point, I am respect very much the DKBA bravery and their love for their nation and their country. The fights between the SSA and Burmese troops have continued and have been going on since Kun Sa surrendered in 1996. Ever since, more or lest, fights have taken for 13 years.
Q: On the Shan-Thai border, it has been two to three years, since you had big fights. In the future, will Burmese troops attack the SSA?
A: In 2000-2001, we had intensive fights along the border. The fights took place because there were too many drug refineries along the Shan-Thai border. When we set up our bases along the border, we established a policy against the narcotics drug. At that time, we fought against the drug traffickers. However, when the drug traffickers work along with the Burmese regime, we had to fight the Burmese regime too. At that time, we did not have a military plan to attack the Burmese regime on the border. That was a fight against the drug. At the moment, the fights on the Shan-Thai border have stopped because there are no drug refineries along the border.
Q: What about inside Shan State?
A: There are still many drug refineries inside Shan State. What I mean is there is no drug refineries along the border. Opium is still blooming and people grow more poppy than before.
Q: Then, how you intend to solve the drug problems?
A: The drug problem is not the only Shan State problem but a problem that affects the people in the world. The Restoration Council of Shan State (RCSS; a political wing of the SSA) has a policy with four points:
First, if the international community wants to eradicate drugs, it must help to solve the political conflicts between the Shan opposition groups and the Burmese regime. Today, the Burmese regime governs the country. The drug problem takes place under nose of the Burmese regime. Therefore, the international community must help to solve the political conflicts. It must help the people here get the rights to govern the country and have the rights to eradicate the drugs.
Second, the RCSS have all the names of the poppy growers. But we are not strong enough to take full action against them. We have to find crop substitutions for the villagers. Improve their livelihood. We have to find markets for the crop substitution.
Third, we have to set up schools for young children and educate them about the drug problem. Today, many Shan youth do not realize the danger of drugs and many are drug addicted. The Burmese also share that responsibility. Therefore it is important to have schools to educate the adults and children on drug problems.
Fourth, we must cooperate with the international community to eliminate drug traffickers. The drug traffickers are not living inside Shan State, but they live abroad. The drug prices are increasing because the foreign drug traffickers pay high prices. Also, many villagers do not know what to do except grow poppy. It is easy to grow and it earns good prices.
Therefore, without the cooperation of the international community, it is impossible to eradicate drugs. Briefly, all the problems are due to the Burmese authorities. It is not due to ethnic and opposition groups.
Q: How much cooperation is there between the international community and your group on the drug issue?
A: We have been holding out our hand to the international community to solve the problem for more than 10 years. Today, we stand on our own feet and try to eradicate the drug. No one helps us directly eradicate the drugs. We have met with the US Drug Enforcement Agency, but the DEA has a different policy. That policy is to arrest people. They do not have a policy on how to change people. I told them, their policy will not solve the drug problem.
Q: Previously, you have said that the political conflicts must be solved before the drug problem can be solved.
A: Yes, the political problems inside the federal Union of Burma must be solved.
Q: What are the political conflicts between the Shan and the regime and how can you solve them?
A: The cause of the problem is due to the military dictatorship. The Burmese regime governs the country by military force. This is the main problem. The reason behind governing the country with its military force is to control the whole and transform it into a unique land of Burmans. The federal union of Burma includes the eight ethnic states. But the Burmese regime does not want to form the country with eight ethnic states. Because of that, the problems started. Now ethnic states such as Shan, Mon, Kachin, Karen and Karenni are rebelling against the Burmese regime because they want to have self-governance, the right to govern their national affairs independently. It is the goal of every ethnic armed opposition group.
Q: Then, what is your perspective on a second Panglong congress which Aung San Su Kyi and other ethnic groups are calling for?
A: It is easy to talk about a second Panglong congress but it will be difficult to implement it. It is important to understand the mistakes of the first Panglong Agreement. I understand that the Burman leaders were at fault after the first Panglong Agreement. The Burman leaders did not keep their promises. In the agreement, the Burmans agreed not to interfere with the ethnic internal affairs, but the Burmese leaders used military forces and abused Shan State people continuously. And this was the biggest mistake. Therefore, it would not be easy to implement a second Panglong Agreement.
Shan State Army-South troops assemble at their headquarters at Lao Tai Leng in Shan State. Photo : Mizzima
Q: Today, you are building up the Shan State Army. Are you going to fight for independence?
A: Today, Shan State is already a separate country. It was separated when the Burmese military seized the country with their military forces. Moreover, when we joined with Burma to get independence from the British, we based it on our ethnic state status. Since the military seized the power, the 1959 constitutions are all destroyed. The Panglong Agreement also becomes useless because the Burmese leaders failed to keep their promises. Therefore, Shan State is a separate country. We must have the power to govern our own country.
Q: Now the Thai government is more focused on the economy than the historical problems. Previously, the Thai governments have also invested a lot in Burma. At this point, will the Thai government focus more on economy benefits than the historical issues?
A: Thailand is an independent country. Thailand has a responsibility to develop its country and to improve the livelihood of its citizens. This is their work. We have no rights to say anything to them. To invest in Burma is based on a relationship between countries. Besides Burma, they also have a relationship with other countries, such as China, Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia. Moreover, they also have relationships with countries around the world. To be able to develop its country, they will do whatever they can. That is their business.
Q: The 64th Shan State National Day was celebrated recently. Was it a success?
A: Regarding the Shan State National Day, some people understand and some don’t. I want to say that the Shan State National Day was not only on February 7, 1947. That day was to commemorate the Panglong Conference. Before, the Shan Saophas (princes) were not united but on that day, the princes were united. The princes and Shan leaders were united, and they formed the Shan State Council to govern Shan State. We can also say that it was a day when all the Shan State ethnicities were united.
The Shan State flag was also created on day. After forming the Shan State Council, General Aung San also participated in the conference. Aung San and the Shan State Council held talks and agreed to form the Federal Union of Burma. Without that day, the Federal Union of Burma would not exist, and there would not be an Independence Day on February 12 for Burma either.
Q: What is your message to the Shan people?
A: It is important for all people in Shan State to understand that it is the Shan State National Day. Shan State means we have a state with clear boundary. Nation means the people who were born here regardless of their race, may it Shan, Pa-O, Wa, Palaung, Ahkar or Lahu. Second, I would like people to understand that Shan Day not only concerns people here, but it concerns all the people of Burma. If we respect our flag that means we respect the spirit of it. We respect the leaders who have tried to form the union of Shan State and the federal Union of Burma. I want everyone to understand like that.
Q: What is your response to the International Community and Burmese regime’s accusations that SSA is involved in the drug trade?
A: They would assume and think like that by looking at us from the outside. The best thing is when we invite them to stay with us here and check to see whether SSA is involve with drugs or not. Anyone can make accusations. We can finger point at each other. To wipe out their doubts, it is better for them to come, observe and talk. Moreover, they should come and see the lives of the Shan State people and the situation of the SSA. Where does the SSA get the funds? Therefore, it is important for them to come and see.
Q: What about the cease-fire groups. Are they involve in the drug business?
A: It is difficult to say because the drug traffickers are staying with the militia forces. Besides, the Burmese regime gives full support to this group. Because the militia forces are the tools for the regime and the regime uses them. The regime wants to use them and at the same time, they also want to work on their business.
Now, all the drugs are mainly from the militia forces. The cease-fire groups also cannot deny their involvement with drugs if they stay with Burmese troops. But, they were free to do whatever they want. In addition, business people also stay with the cease-fire groups. We cannot say they some people are not involved.
General Sao Yawd Serk, a former protege of Kun Saa, heads up one of the largest ethnic armies in Burma. Photo : Mizzima
Shan State Army-South troops assemble at their headquarters at Lao Tai Leng in Shan State. Photo : Mizzima
Shan rebel leader concerned over The Lady’s security
Lt-Gen Yawd Serk, leader of the anti-Naypyitaw Shan State Army (SSA) ‘South’, in response to Burma pro-democracy Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s call for “a second Panglong conference”, says he is still worried about her security and whether she will be able to hold the “21st century Panglong conference” because she will be under 24 hour surveillance by the ruling military junta.
“Her release doesn’t mean she can do everything she wants. It has limitations. So I am not sure whether she can move around freely or not because she will be followed by the ruling military either directly or indirectly,” Yawd Serk said.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, at the public gathering held yesterday, said that she is willing to call a 21st century “Panglong Conference” as mentioned earlier in 1989.
“I am therefore concerned how much she will be able to work for the ethnic peoples,” he said.
Nevertheless, Yawd Serk urged all people from Burma including ethnic nationalities to protect Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and continue supporting her because she is the only one who can lead the way in the implementation of the Panglong Agreement which was signed between her father Aung San who represented the Burmans, and leaders of Shans, Kachins and Chins in 1947.
“The root cause of the political problems in Burma is that the Panglong Agreement has been neglected and violated by the military junta. The problems between the ethnic groups and the Burma Army will never come to an end if the Agreement will still be ignored,” said Lt-Gen Yawd Serk.
“But to implement it, only Daw Aung San Suu Kyi can play the central role. Without Suu Kyi, nobody is going to believe the junta.”
The Panglong Agreement promises “Full autonomy in internal administration” and “rights and privileges which are fundamental in democratic countries.”
According to him, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi also needs to promote participation of the ethnic nationalities to build a genuine union. “Without ethnic participation, it will be difficult to resolve the problems of Burma.”
Ethnic Leaders Back Suu Kyi's Call for Panglong 2
Ethnic political party's leaders whose parties won seats in the Nov. 7 election have expressed support for pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's decision to work on a second Panglong agreement, saying that determining their political status is fundamental to the needs of all ethnic peoples in Burma.
Speaking to The Irrawaddy on Monday, Sao Saung Cee, the deputy chairman of the Shan Nationals Democratic Party, said: “We support her (Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's) idea to work on a second Panglong. We believe this is the only way a peaceful union in which all people come to respect and love each other can be built in Burma.”
“Everyone in Burma will be happy if she can do it,” he said.
After her release from house arrest on Nov 13, pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi expressed her intention to work on a second Panglong conference at which all ethnic leaders would meet to discuss the future of the country.
At the first Panglong meeting on February 12, 1947 in Shan State, Suu Kyi's father, Gen Aung San, and ethnic leaders agreed to set up a federal union based on equality and democracy for people of all ethnicities in Burma. However, the agreement was not implemented after Aung San was assassinated that year.
“I am very happy when I heard her [Suu Kyi] saying she will not only work with her party but also with other parties for democracy in Burma,” said Nai Ngwe Thein, the chairman of the All Mon Regions Democracy Party.
“We are ready to work with her for democracy and a second Panglong conference,” he said.
Aye Maung, chairman of the Rakhine (Arakan) Nationalities Development Party said his party's goals are based on the original 1947 Panglong agreement and that a second meeting should include all parties including all ethnic and pro-democracy groups as well as the military government.
“Through a second Panglong conference we should be able to create a real federal democracy in Burma,” he said, speaking to The Irrawaddy on Monday.
The junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party won the majority vote in the election and will form the new government despite the opposition parties' refusal to recognize the election result after making accusations of fraud regarding advance voting and election rigging.
Pro-election opposition party leaders from different parties have meanwhile said they will work with Suu Kyi for democracy in Burma and are planning a future meeting together with her.
“We were not 100 percent happy participating in this election,” said Sao Saung Cee, “But if we had not taken part there would be no one to represent our people, which is why we took part.”
“If all oppositions parties boycott to the new parliament, we will join them,” said Nai Ngwe Thein. “We are waiting to see what happens. We don't want to recognize this election result as our people are not happy with it.”
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=20090
Kim Jong Il Not Hot Topic in Burma
Despite the death of Kim Jong Il being the hottest topic in the international media this week, the North Korean dictator's demise is not attracting much coverage in Burma due to Naypyidaw's policy of censoring news of its East Asian ally.
Burmese journalists believe that their readers are uninterested in Kim Jong Il in stark contrast with the death of Libya’s Col Muammar Gaddafi in October and Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden in May which both received plenty of column inches.
“We put two obituaries, Vaclav Havel and Kim Jong Il, together in this week's edition of our journal. Readers responded that one was a hero of the world and the other was evil,” said Maung Wuntha, an editor with well-known Rangoon weekly Pyithu Khit.
“But ordinary Burmese people are not interested in Kim Jong Il’s death because readers are not very familiar with North Korean news,” he said. “There has only been a little bit of coverage concerning Kim Jong Il and North Korea—either good or bad things.”
“For ordinary Burmese people, South Korean soap operas are more interesting than Kim Jong Il’s death,” he added.
Journalists in Rangoon told The Irrawaddy that the censorship board did not permit Burmese journals to cover sensitive issues concerning either Pyongyang and Beijing in order to protect ties with these two crucial regional allies. The result is that Burmese readers are not very familiar with the late North Korean dictator.
Hein Latt, author of Kim Jong Il: North Korea’s Dear Leader, a Burmese language biography published in 2010, said, “Burmese people are less interested in Eastern leaders.”
Hein Latt himself was a victim of the notorious North Korean authorities despite living in Burma. In July 2010, staff from the North Korean embassy seized copies of Hein Latt’s book.
“The North Korean authorities under Kim Jong Il were quite extreme. At the time, the embassy staffers complained that I referenced books which are not published by North Korea,” Hein Latt said.
Hein Latt said Kim Jong Il’s death could not affect Burma’s ties with North Korea which were re-established in April 2007. Relations between the two nations were suspended in 1983 after North Korean agents assassinated a South Korean delegation in Rangoon.
Observers believe the Burma-North Korea secret tie was re-established shortly after Kim Jong Il took power in 1994. Arrivals of North Korean technicians were firstly reported in Burma two years later.
The gravest international worry regarding the Burma-North Korea relationship concerns military cooperation. Experts claim that the North Koreans helped the former Burmese military junta with missile technology and underground warfare. Some observers have also said that Burma is attempting to develop nuclear weapons with North Korea’s aid.
However, Thein Sein told US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton that Burma follows the resolution of the UN Security Council regarding nuclear non-proliferation when the pair met in Naypyidaw on Dec. 1.
Like Burma, North Korea under Kim Jong Il was dominated by the armed forces due to the late dictator's Songun Policy—meaning “military first.” Some analysts believe that North Korea will change little in the post-Kim Jong Il era as this policy still rules the country.
“The 'military-first' Songun Policy, which was implemented by Kim Jong Il, will ensure that the country’s armed forces will remain in charge,” wrote Swedish journalist Bertil Lintner in Asia Society on Monday. “In North Korea, the military controls the party, the government, and everything else—including the succession to the throne.”
While Burma’s former junta supremo Snr-Gen Than Shwe officially transferred power to one of his most trusted aides, current President Thein Sein, on March 30, Kim Jong Il appointed his third son, Kim Jong Un, the “Great Successor” earlier in 2011.
“Under the leadership of Kim Jong Un we should turn our sorrow into strength and courage and overcome the present difficulties and work harder for the fresh great victory of the Juche Revolution,” reported the state-run Korean Central News Agency in reference to North Korea's “self-reliance” policy.
Burma's Thein Sein has entered some careful negotiations since July—particularly talking with pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi and granting her National League for Democracy party a return to politics. However, the future of Kim Jong Un, who is just 27, is less clear.
“If we compare Burma and North Korea, Burma’s situation is much better than the East Asian nation,” said Maung Wuntha. “We can still hope for changes in the country.”
http://irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22689
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